How digital literacy powered Gen Z uprising, uplifted dissenting voices

When thousands of Kenyan youth took to the streets and flooded social media platforms last year in what became known as the Gen Z protests, it wasn’t just anger or frustration that fueled the movement, it was education. 

As protests against the Finance Bill 2024 erupted across the country, a new generation of digitally savvy youth emerged as the driving force behind one of the most well coordinated and widespread civic unrest in recent history. 

At the heart of the mobilisation was education — specifically, digital literacy — which enabled Generation Z to harness the power of social media, online platforms and digital tools to communicate, organise, and amplify their voices. 

For many Gen Z protesters, their ability to quickly adapt to and deploy digital tools proved essential. “Our education didn’t stop in the classroom. We learned how to code, use social media, and create content. That’s how we’re getting our message out—by going digital,” said 23-year-old protester Lorna Wambui from Nairobi. 

Platforms like X (formerly Twitter), TikTok, Facebook, WhatsApp, and Zello transformed into digital battlefields, where young activists shared live updates, coordinated protest routes, and posted educational videos explaining the implications of the Finance Bill in both English and local dialects. 

Hashtags like #RejectFinanceBill2024, #OccupyParliament, and #GenZRevolution trended for days, helping rally national and international support. Protesters leveraged viral content and short videos to inform, provoke debate, and build a shared identity across regions. 

“Our phones became our microphones. Even if you couldn’t be on the streets, you could be part of the movement online,” said Brian Otieno, a 21-year-old student from Kisumu. 

Digital platforms also enabled young Kenyans raise funds and resources to support the demonstrations. Online crowdfunding campaigns helped cover transportation, medical aid, and food for protesters, making participation accessible even to those in remote or marginalised areas. 

“People donated what they could. We didn’t need a big organisation—just links, trust, and a cause,” said Mary Kibe, an organiser from Eldoret. 

Beyond protest logistics, digital activism took creative forms with protesters launched websites like a “Wall of Shame” to expose politicians supporting the Finance Bill. 

Others designed graphics, memes, and explainer videos that went viral and made complex policy issues understandable. 

“Digital activism gave us tools to hold leaders accountable. We turned information into action,” said James Njoroge, a 25-year-old software developer. 

Perhaps the most remarkable impact of digital literacy was how it broke down barriers to participation. Through online platforms, young people from rural areas, those with disabilities, and even the diaspora joined the protests virtually. “Technology made the protests inclusive. You didn’t have to be at Parliament Road to be part of the resistance,” said Wambui. 

Alfred Mutai, an education expert, said Kenya’s Gen Z has redefined what protest looks like in the digital age. 

“Enabled by education and driven by purpose, they have shown that digital literacy isn’t just about technical skills—it’s a form of civic power. We’re not just keyboard warriors. We’re citizens. We’re educated. And we’re engaged,” said Mutai.  

Armed with smartphones and a deep understanding of civic issues, Generation Z shocked the nation with their ability to organise, mobilise, and demand accountability with precision. Many of these young demonstrators were students—some in high school, others in university—whose classrooms had taught them not just how to read and write, but how to think, express, and act. 

“These were not your typical protests. The youth had clear messages, organised routes, legal knowledge, hashtags, and even media strategies. That kind of coordination is a product of education—formal and digital,” said Prof Leah Wanjiku, a sociologist at a local university. 

Indeed, social media became the protest ground zero with youths creating infographics, breaking down government budgets, explaining the implications of taxes, and even translated economic policies into Sheng and vernacular languages to reach a wider audience. 

“I used what I learned in business studies to explain why the housing levy wouldn’t work for people like my parents,” said 19-year-old Kelvin Muriithi, a Form Four leaver from Embu. “We made voice notes, posters, and shared them on WhatsApp groups. Our phones became our classrooms.” 

But the ripple effects of the Gen Z movement spiralled to institutions with learners agitating for space to be heard, according to school principals. “Things have not been the same since then. The students have the space to express their issues affecting them freely as compared to some days before,” said a principal in Nairobi. 

“A cross the country, something unusual began happening in schools—students began to speak up more boldly.” 

In some institutions, school principals were now engaging learners in dialogues that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago. 

“At first, we were skeptical, but we’ve had to adapt. When students raised concerns about quality of meals and use of funds for trips, we called them for a sit-down,” admitted Ms Jane Nyambura, principal of a secondary school in Nyeri. 

Brian Omondi, a 21-year-old university student, said the majority weaponised what they learn in class. “Our phones became our mouthpiece. Even if you couldn’t be on the streets, you could be part of the movement online,” he said. 

Mary Kibe, an organiser from Eldoret said they transformed platforms like TikTok, X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, and WhatsApp into command centers of dissent. 

She said Gen Z turned digital creativity into a political weapon. Websites like “Wall of Shame” named and shamed pro-bill politicians. 

Further, explainer memes broke down budget allocations. TikTok creators translated complex economic policies into Sheng, making the protest not only viral—but accessible. “I used what I learned in business studies to explain why the housing levy wouldn’t work for people like my parents. Our phones became our classrooms,” said 19-year-old Kelvin Muriithi from Embu. 

The protests spilled into classrooms where in schools across the country, students began challenging administrators, demanding transparency, better meals, and fair use of school funds. 

For many, the protests became a test case for the Competency-Based Curriculum (CBC) Kenya has been championing. Thomas Odhiambo, a curriculum developer, said this shift is crucial. “When learners are empowered to ask questions and challenge systems constructively, it’s a sign of a healthy education system,” he noted. 

“We’re seeing the true outcome of the competency-based curriculum—critical thinking and communication in action.” 

While education had empowered this civic awakening, many of these young voices were now questioning the very system that raised them. The rollout of the New Student-Centered Funding Model had left many struggling to stay in school. 

Many demanded a relook into the new funding model for higher education, which they argue still leaves behind many from poor backgrounds. 

“It’s ironic that we use education to speak out, yet some of us can’t afford to complete school,” said Ann Mwikali, a student from Machakos. 

“We need a fairer funding model that doesn’t force students to choose between class and casual labour,” she said. 

Following pressure from student leaders and education stakeholders, the government recently pledged to review the university funding framework and increase capitation to the most vulnerable students. “Enabled by education and driven by purpose, they have shown that digital literacy isn’t just about technical skills—it’s a form of civic power,” said education expert Alfred Mutai. 

Faith leaders, traditionally seen as moral voices in times of crisis, also noticed the shift in how youth engage. “We used to speak to them. Now we must speak with them. These young people are not lost—they are learning and leading,” said Reverend Joseph Ndeti of the Presbyterian Church in Kisumu. 

“The church must now recognise that these young people are not lost—they are learning and leading. We should support their hunger for justice and provide spiritual guidance, not rebuke. We used to speak to them. Now we must speak with them.” 

As the dust settles from the Gen Z-led protests, leaders are coming to terms with a new reality that a young population that questions, organizes, and insists on being heard. 

“Up to now we cannot tell how these kids organised themselves fearlessly, leaderless and tribeless that got even the learned people off guard. They have proved that education is their tool,” said Makadara MP George Aladwa.